tom harris mp's Blog
In praise of Labour government
UNFASHIONABLE though it may seem, it’s time someone pointed out a fact that most commentators - and certainly most of the blogosphere - have been avoiding: the government has done a good job in the last 11 years and Britain is a far better place as a result.
As Nick Raynsford said in his New Statesman article last week:
Compared with the position we inherited in 1997, today’s Britain is a better, fairer, more successful, more confident and more tolerant society.
He’s right. We’ve been kicked around so much, and so severely, recently that it’s almost easy to forget that we don’t have to take it.
Remember the sky-high inflation under the Tories? The record mass unemployment that was “a price well worth paying” for questionable economic returns? Remember the TWO Tory-built recessions? Remember the millions of workers encouraged to claim incapacity benefits by the Tories as a way of massaging the unemployment statistics? Remember the days before the minimum wage, when employers could pay their workers peanuts, and do it with the government’s blessing? Remember the legions of school-leavers put on the scrap heap instead of being offered training and further education? Remember the double-digit interest rates? Remember the scrapping of the pensions-earnings link without anything put in place to raise pensioners’ living standards?
‘Dave’ likes to gloss over the fact that he is a (whisper it) Tory, because he doesn’t want us to remember his own party’s record, nor the part he played in advising the worst Chancellor in modern history.
Every government faces difficult challenges, as do our own citizens.
But Britain is far better off with Labour than it could ever be with the Tories. Their smug complacency and arrogance - evidenced by some of their members’ comments on this and other sites - helped to shatter our society and our economy before. It would be a tragedy if they were to be allowed to do so again.
It’s been a bruising year so far for Labour. Government is difficult. Life is difficult for many people.
But Labour can win a fourth term.
We can win a fourth term if we believe we are up to the challenge, if we start making the case for Labour afresh, acknowledging where we need to make changes while avoiding sounding defensive about our record in government, which is something we can and should be proud of.
The next election has yet to be won or lost. The people, not the commentariat, will decide its outcome. The prize for Labour as a party is a fourth term in office. The prize for Britain as a nation is growth, prosperity and security, and its deliverance from a victorious Tory Party which has yet to learn from its mistakes in office, and so is doomed to repeat them if it is ever allowed back.
Wishful thinking by the paranoid right
WHEN cyber-Tories aren’t moaning about not having a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty, they like to bang on about the so-called “intrusive state”. Iain Dale yesterday carried a letter published in Der Spiegel:
Sir, At the end of August I’m leaving London because I don’t wish my child to be forced into the kind of conformity where not only are school uniforms obligatory but even haircuts are regulated. That’s to say nothing of the ever present CCTV in schools or of the fact that even primary school kids have to give fingerprints.
Hmm. Aren’t Tories the ones who are most likely to complain about lack of uniforms in schools? And since when was the government responsible for regulating haircuts (good idea, though; must mention it to the manifesto group…)?
As for CCTV, I know of no MPs whose constituents have approached them asking for fewer CCTV cameras in their constituencies. The only people in Glasgow who I’m aware are against them are drug dealers who would rather not be filmed going about their business.
That CCTV cameras are some kind of threat to civil liberties seems to have become one of these accepted “facts” that barely qualifies as an opinion, so scarce is the evidence in its favour.
The regular accusation that we are living in what is close to, or is in reality, a “police state” is not only ridiculous - it’s offensive to the millions of people across the world who do live in such states and who regard the UK, rightly, as a beacon of freedom and democracy. So there.
Salmond has done Labour a favour
Virtual opposition: preferable to the real thing
How to reduce turnout
HAVE we really thought through this “votes at 16″ issue?
On the only recent occasion when the Commons was given a vote on this subject - on a Ten Minute Rule Motion - I voted against. As a colleague at the time observed: “I’ll support votes at 16 when half a million 15- to 17-year-olds march on parliament demanding it.”
In fact, I’ve had virtually no representations from constituents asking me to support this measure. It’s one of those issues which, when put before people, will usually ellicit a positive response. But it’s certainly not an issue that young people, unprompted, will volunteer as an issue important to them.
And the reason all this is important is this: if 16 and 17-year-olds are to be given the vote, I worry that the most significant effect will be a huge increase in the number of “voters” who don’t vote.
I can almost hear the arguments winging their way towards me even as you read this: “Why shouldn’t they be allowed to vote when they can join the army/buy alcohol/have sex/pay tax, etc?” (And I say “they” rather than “we” because this is a change which is almost invariably promoted by those who have already reached the age of majority, rather by those who might actually benefit from it.)
I think it rather unlikely that we will ever have a single age at which individuals attain all these rights. In the meantime, the argument for votes at 16 has not yet been made. If there are powerful arguments in favour, I haven’t heard them yet.
But perhaps I will soon, because Labour’s National Policy Forum has decided in favour, and it will now be put to national conference. It’s a debate I’ll be interested in listening to.
But just because something can be changed, it doesn’t necessarily mean it should be.
Thirty-four per cent
Turnout in Haltemprice and Howden was a measly 34 per cent, less than half of what it was at the general election.
No doubt DD’s apologists will claim that this is all the Labour Party’s fault for not standing a candidate (shame on us for not jumping when DD clicks his fingers!). But no amount of spin or argument can disguise the fact that the Haltemprice and Howden by-election has been a colossal waste of time, effort and money.
More importantly, it has had not the slightest impact on public support for (or opposition to) the policy of 42 days detention.
Smoke without fire
I have no love for cigarettes. Apart from a couple of ill-judged Camels while on holiday in Prague in 1995 (and, inevitably, a fine Cuban on the evening of Labour’s 1997 victory), I’ve never smoked. My mother, who chain smoked from a very young age, died of lung cancer a few years ago. So, as I say, not a big fan of the weed.
Having said all that, I didn’t vote for the complete ban which has been in force in England for exactly a year; I voted instead for what was in Labour’s 2005 manifesto: a ban in areas where cooked food is served.
Nevertheless, the ban has proved more popular and workable than I had expected, even among smokers.
Now I read of proposals to classify movies according to their smoking content. All very well, but I do hope we’re not going to start retrospectively editing classic movies in the same way some iconic photographs have been butchered. I remember being appalled that a publicity shot of The Beatles had been digitally altered to remove the band members’ fags from their hands. What next? Taking Winston Churchill’s cigar away?
I was relived to see that Sebastian Faulks, in writing the new Bond novel, had maintained his hero’s addiction to tobacco. Relieved not because it’s a particularly cool or attractive habit - it’s not, it’s pretty disgusting - but because the character Ian Fleming created was a smoker, and characters set in the 1960s shouldn’t have 21st century standards imposed upon them retrospectively. That would be entirely dishonest. It would be the equivalent of remaking Tess of the d’Urbervilles and depicting Angel Clare as a feminist.
But let’s get this in perspective. Terminator 3: Rise of the Machines featured one of the most gratuitous scenes of graphic violence I have ever seen, depicting the death of a police officer by a killer android who drives its arm through the back of his seat, through his stomach to take control of the car he’s driving. And that was given a 12A certificate. Under these proposals, had Arnie lit up a fag, I’m guessing it would have been given a 15 or even an 18 certificate. Come on.
And given that two thirds of stabbings occur when the attacker has been drinking, can we expect scenes where James Bond orders a vodka martini to be cut or for the movie in question to be restricted to adults only?
Of course film producers and actors must have a responsibility to their younger, more impressionable audience members and not to be complicit in their making any health-damaging lifestyle choices. But we have to draw the line at preventing young audiences watching classic movies like Casablanca or Doctor No just because the main protagonists have a taste for cigarettes.
In praise of the House of Commons
Received wisdom dictates that the House of Commons chamber is an anachronism; that its procedures and traditions serve only to exacerbate the gulf between the realities faced by citizens and the privileged, rarified environment in which their representatives operate.
MPs cannot refer to any other member using their name (unless quoting from an article) and instead must refer to them by their constituencies. An MP may refer to members who sit on the same side of the chamber as “honourable friends”, but to a member opposite as “the honourable gentleman”, “the honourable lady” or simply “the honourable member for… (insert name of constituency)”.
And, of course, you must never EVER accuse another member of deliberately lying.
It all appears very quaint. But those who make the effort to listen to debates (and not just the bearpit that is Prime Minister’s Questions) will, I hope, be impressed by the general standard of debate in the chamber. However esoteric or obscure the subject, the Commons will almost always produce some thoughtful consideration of it, on both sides of the House. And the debate will (almost) always be polite and courteous.
This last quality is of particular interest to me as a blogger. The constant criticism of PMQs (as the only Commons event with which most viewers are familiar) is that it’s too “Punch and Judy”, that MPs on all sides are far too rowdy and badly behaved. So the general populace would prefer political debate to be more courteous and polite, yes? Well, maybe.
Many of the comments left on this blog in the last few days have been thoughtful and polite. Many of them have not been. It’s the same with comments left on some of the better known blogs like Guido Fawkes and Iain Dale. What is it about the blogosphere that makes people believe they can address any other person in aggressive and offensive terms that they simply wouldn’t consider appropriate in almost any other circumstance (certainly not face to face)? I can understand how anonymity might offer someone a chance to express views he or she might not want associated with themselves ordinarily. But does the fact that so many of those who leave comments choose to do so offensively mean that anonymity allows the real persona of the person writing to emerge? Or does it simply allow someone to adopt an invented, false personality to be discarded after temporary use? (And if you don’t think I have a point here, check out any thread on just about any Scottish political story carried by The Herald.)
In the blogosphere, opposition has given way to hatred, argument to invective.
The age of deference is long gone, and good riddance. But have we thrown the baby out with the bath water? In abandoning deference (decades after we should have), have we also abandoned qualities like respect and politeness?
So thank goodness for the Commons. If continuing to treat with respect those with whom we disagree is seen by those watching as being out of touch, then thank goodness there’s still one place in the land that is proudly out of touch.
Heaven knows we're miserable now
Grieve and grievances
Dominic Grieve, the new Shadow Home Secretary, is a decent chap. He’s also extremely sharp and, as a public prosecutor in a previous life, has prosecuted an impressive range of individuals and organisations.
But his claim in 2005 that he thought the 7/7 London bombings were “totally explicable” - comments brought to light by The Spectator in the past few days - should be of concern to all of us. “Explicable”, of course, isn’t the same as “justifiable”, but it’s not a kick in the shirt off it either. Motivation can always be explained. Myra Hindley, Harold Shipman, Peter Sutcliffe - their actions were, arguably, “explicable” if one takes account of the various psychological assessments that have tried to plumb the depths of these particular individuals’ minds.
But look at what Grieve also said in his 2005 comments. The 7/7 bombings were “totally explicable” because (and these are indirect comments): “of the deep sense of anger over the Iraq war, a wider despair about the Islamic world and what Muslims saw as a ‘decadent’ western society.”
I don’t deny that among British muslims there is anger at what has happened in Iraq, the ongoing situation in Israel and the denial of basic human rights by muslim regimes in the Middle East. But such anger can hardly be used as justification of murder.
And yes, there is resentment by some muslims at what they see as the west’s decadence. In fact, it seems that this, more than foreign policy, is the motivation for feelings of violence towards British citizens. It provided the motivation of the terrorists of 9/11. But such anger at moral standards are religiously inspired and, while important to the holders of those views themselves, they can never - should never - be addressed by government.
It is this point that most concerns me about Grieve’s views. By acknowledging anger at “decadent western society”, he seems to be suggesting that such grievances can be addressed. For the minority of British muslims who believe Islamism is the answer, acknowledging such grievances is never going to be enough. And addressing them in any way is out of the question, since that would represent an unacceptable compromise of liberality and tolerance.
David Davis: 'I have a cunning plan!'
My old class mate (college class, that is, not social class) George Pascoe-Watson, the Sun's political editor, just said something on Sky that's taken me by surprise. Referring to Dave's commitment to campaign for David Davis in the forthcoming self-inflicted by-election, George said this might mean that the Tories "might not stand a candidate against him". What on earth does that mean? That DD has resigned as a member of the Conservative Party? That he won't be the Tories' official candidate?
Davis's own claim that this by-election will give his electorate an opportunity to pass judgment is perhaps true, but what happens if and when he arrives back at the Commons with his new mandate? That the 70,000 voters in Haltemprice and Howden should have a veto over policy agreed by the House of Commons, a policy supported by an overwhelming majority of citizens (including, presumably, a similar proportion of Haltemprice and Howden's voters)?
The rather magnificent Denis MacShane is on Sky at the moment, being gloriously patronising about DD's "little by-election". At least half of the Labour MPs I met in the tearoom in the past hour have told me they think Labour shouldn't stand a candidate. Not sure yet; we should probably let the dust settle before that decision is taken.
I had lunch a few weeks ago with a good friend of DD's who said DD had given up any hope of leading his party. If rumours about an irreconcilable split between Dave and DD are true, could this be DD's last throw of the dice, a chance to attract some attention after years in Dave's shadow? He says he wants to take a stand against government infringements on civil liberties. Does that mean he feels that no-one else in his party (aka Dave) is willing to do so?
What is fascinating about Dave's most recent pronouncement in this is his statement that "I wish him well" in his by-election campaign. He sounded like a disinterested commentator, not the leader of the Opposition and the Conservative Party.
Visit Tom's blog (but only if you've nothing better to do).
‘42 days’ is about lives, not popularity
A poll in today’s Telegraph suggests 65 per cent of the electorate supports an extension of pre-trial detention for terrorist suspects to 42 days. The only surprising thing about that figure is how low it is.
I spoke to a Tory frontbencher last week, who effectively admitted that in government his party would be far more likely to support this kind of measure, on the basis that a government’s first duty is protection of the country’s citizens, whereas the duty of the opposition… isn’t, really. Pretty shameful attitude. Labour, in the years BT*, voted regularly against the annual renewal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act. Only under Tony did we come to our senses and realise that only parties which take security seriously in opposition can be trusted with government.
The same is true today. The 42 days clause should be supported, not because it’s popular (though it is) but because it will help protect people. If the Tories understand this but oppose it for party political reasons, then they are not fit to govern.
*Before Tony
Visit Tom's blog (if you can stomach it).
Crossrail was never important enough to attract Boris's attention
According to The Public Whip, Boris didn’t vote on the Crossrail Bill when it was first presented to the Commons in July 2005. And on the many occasions since, where I have had to pilot the Bill through its Commons stages - at two “additional provisions” debates, public bill committee sessions and Report and Third reading - Boris didn’t turn up. Not once. Never, on a single occasion in the Commons, did Bojo ever express an opinion, or vote one way or the other, on the most important infrastructure project that London has seen for generations.
Perhaps he was too busy to concern himself with such trivialities. Whatever the reason, it undermines his claim that he had a long-term ambition to be Mayor of London. Boris is not stupid; he would have known that a strong commitment to Crossrail could only have helped his mayoral bid. The fact that he never showed an interest in such an important project confirms he had no notion at all of standing before ‘Dave’ went on bended knee.
Visit Tom's blog.
For 'divisions' read 'diversity'
In today’s Times she writes:
“From the Cabinet down, the party is divided between those who celebrate wealth and those who want to tax the super-rich until the pips squeak, between those who think public services should be centrally controlled and those who want to put parents and patients in charge, between those who believe that civil liberties are sacred and those who are willing to sacrifice ancient rights on the altar of national security. As one senior Whitehall figure puts it: ‘Labour’s completely schizophrenic; they all talk about wanting to be the party of opportunity but half of them mean they want to help the poor and the other half mean they want to encourage middle-class aspiration.’”


